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The Russian Army in a Time of Troubles (International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO)), by Pavel Baev
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This study of the Russian army and how it has fared in the uncertain transitional period since independence in December 1991 provides the basis for understanding its present and potential future role in the new political developments within Russia.
Following an historical overview of Russia's security agenda and an examination of the Russian/Soviet army's tradition of involvement in politics, the book then examines Russia's current security interests and the role of the army in protecting them. Geopolitical perspectives are linked to the security issues of the `Near Abroad', and to the nuclear dimension of security. Pavel K Baev then considers the question of the feasibility of political control over the Russian army. The problem of the politicization of the army is followed through the interlinked issues of stalled military reform and a drastically reduced military budget. Baev examines the current military role of the army with case studies on conflict management in the Caucasus and the army's performance in the role of peace-keeper in the Chechen War. Finally, the place of the army in Russia's peace-keeping activities within a broader European context is examined.
- Sales Rank: #3370175 in eBooks
- Published on: 1996-05-03
- Released on: 2009-08-18
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
`Baev's seminal work of military erudition is, therefore, a must read for the serious Russologist and the military student alike' - USI Journal
`Baev's book is an incisive and comprehensive study of the challenges confronting the armed forces of the Russian Federation in the 1990s. It is also a devastating critique of the chaos and decay within the Russian military establishment after the collapse of communism' - Europe-Asia Studies
`An excellent, concise and well-written survey of the development of the Russian army, with a special view to civil-military relations' - NOD & Conversion
About the Author
Pavel Baev is a Senior Researcher and Head of Section at the Institute of Europe, Russian Academy of Sciences. He has written this book while on sabbatical leave as a researcher at the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo. He was previously a Senior Researcher at the Scientific-Research Institute of the Soviet Ministry of Defence, 1979 to 1988. His publications include Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Europe: The Problem of Reduction and Elimination. He is co-editor of the quarterly journal Security Dialogue.
Most helpful customer reviews
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
The Chechen war put in a historical context
By A Customer
Reviewed by NIGEL CLIVE in International Relations, Volume XIII, No 1, April 1996 -
Dr Pavel Baev is a Senior Researcher and Head of Section at the Institute of Europe, Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow. He wrote this valuable book, which puts the Chechen war in its historical context, while working as a researcher at the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo. Although his Preface is dated February 1996, his main findings have not yet been changed by the important Presidential election in July and the subsequent developments in Chechnya in early September.
This book focuses primarily on the interaction between the Army and politics as this has become the decisive force in reforming the former as well as an important factor in framing the latter. Baev traces the Army and politics in its historical perspective and highlights Russia's territorial expansion in Europe in the 15th to 19th centuries. The incorporation of new provinces was driven not so much by messianic ideas or economic greed as by the fear of penetrating invasions and concern about being isolated from Europe. After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the empire in its main features was restored in the course of a few years, to be expanded by Stalin and preserved by his successors until the mid-1980s. By then strategic over-extension and ideological impotence had become self-evident. There was a direct link between the survivability of an authoritarian regime and the efficiency and reliability of its military tools.
By the mid-1980s as the new generation of Afghan-hardened warriors moved to the top of the military hierarchy, a new period opened up in the Army's involvement in politics. But when the direct order was given to move into Chechnya in December 1994, the military leadership failed to stand on its objections, in much the same way as in Afghanistan some 15 years earlier. By the autumn of 1992, the `Near Abroad' rather than the West had become the crucial external challenge to Russia's security. Geopolitics had successfully replaced Communist ideology as the conceptual basis for Russia's foreign policy. Local wars were identified as the main threat. In 1993, Russia was declared the guarantor of stability in the former Soviet Union. But the Chechen war in December 1994 dramatically changed the political landscape in Moscow. If the military stubbornly continued to see NATO as the potential enemy, they were much quicker in recognizing the new security risks in Russia's Near Abroad.
What started to emerge in Moscow from mid-1992 was a sort of coexistence between the political and military institutions. In early October 1993, the tanks not only arrived to back President Yeltsin, but indeed blasted the Russian White House, thereby raising dramatically the threshold of political violence. This marked the peak of Defence Minister General Grachev's career. But General Lebed was among the first to oppose the easy solution of a small-and-successful war in Chechnya, and Grachev's personal role in waging it. It was only after the New Year (1995) assault on Grozny that the real scale of the disaster in the armed forces became clear. While the political leadership relied more and more on military means, they in fact invested little effort in modernization. Military reform was not implemented and a demoralized army, as Lebed foresaw, lacked the cohesion to resist. The high command allowed for rapid decline in all basic components of Russia's defence posture. The failure to build combat-worthy mobile forces was revealed dramatically by the war in Chechnya.
The post-Soviet conflicts in 1992 concerned three attempted secessions (Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijan, Transdniestria from Moldova, South Ossetia from Georgia) and civil war in Tadzhikistan. Russia's dominance in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was, however, strong enough to guarantee that both the Organization and its member states would remain silent about the war in Chechnya. Since the summer of 1992, the deployment of Russian troops resulted in the cessation of violence in five hot spots: Transdniestria, South and North Ossetia, Abkhazia and Western Georgia, and the conflict in Tadzhikistan became controllable. But the intervention in Chechnya in December 1994 marked the breaking point for the stabilization trend. The amount of military effort wasted in Chechnya directly undermined Russia's ability to maintain the peacekeeping in Abkhazia or to continue the military presence in Transcaucasus. Indeed, the region where Russia's positions have been damaged most by the Chechen war is the Caucasus. Despite the efforts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to propose mediation, Russia remained unwilling to allow any real internationalization of the Chechen conflict.
It is already clear that the impact of the Chechen campaign will go beyond that of the Afghan war and could be compared with such military disasters as the Crimean war of 1854-55 and the Russo-Japanese war of 1905. Already in August 1995, Grachev's critics predicted: `Russia will get a combat-unable, poorly equipped and poorly trained, impoverished and alienated Army, which will not be able to defend the country from an external threat and will become an internal threat'. Baev's analysis does not go beyond February 1996. Hence it does not take into account Yeltsin's re-election in July, General Lebed's eleven million votes, his subsequent nomination as Yeltsin's security chief, Lebed's precarious truce with the Chechen rebel chief of staff, Aslan Maskhadov, at first threatened by a broad array of Lebed's opponents in the Kremlin and by an ailing Yeltsin's deafening silence. The truce culminated, however, in the peace agreement signed by Lebed and Maskhadov on 31 August deferring any decision on whether Chechnya should be independent from the Russian Federation until 31 December 2001. It was also agreed to set up a joint commission to monitor the complete withdrawal of Russian troops and coordinate steps in fighting crime and terrorism.
Yeltsin broke his silence in early September, first by congratulating Lebed's chief opponent, Anatoli Kulikov, the Minister of Interior, on his role in the Chechen crisis, which was followed by his statement of 5 September admitting his need for by-pass heart surgery. While Yeltsin backed Lebed's peace plan with the exception of the fast and prompt withdrawal of Russian troops, he came under growing pressure to step down and appoint his replacement in order to avoid a dangerous power vacuum before, during and after the period of his heart surgery - not to mention the growing speculation about Yeltsin's likely inability to hold his grip on power during the next four years. On 10 September Yeltsin decided to appoint Prime Minister Chernomyrdin as his temporary replacement, probably to curb Lebed's ambition. It remains to be seen whether Baev's final assumption will or will not be validated by events: `The weakening and degradation of Yeltsin's regime and the uncertainties of political transition to a post-Yeltsin period are bringing Russia to another cross-roads in its long and turbulent history - and the force that decides the direction could well be the unreformed, politicized and frustrated Army'.
NIGEL CLIVE
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